High-deductible health plans were never going to solve high healthcare costs

Sixteen years ago, I was answering the phone for a member services line at Anthem Blue Cross and Blue Shield. One day, my manager asked me to answer a different phone number. Instead of the PPO plans I had worked with, this phone number dealt with their new high-deductible health plans.

After a brief training session on how these plans worked, I was off and running.

The people who called me on this new line often had plans with deductibles of $5,000 per person or even higher, accompanied by health savings accounts: a tax-advantaged vehicle that allowed them to pay for the full cost of their expenses before they met their deductible. That is, before their insurance paid a penny for their claims.

It didn’t take long for me to see why their employers put them on these plans. It wasn’t to empower them, as promised. It was simply for their employers to save premium costs and transfer the risks onto their employees. Many people didn’t understand how these plans were designed and were shocked that they had to pay the full cost of their doctor visits out of their health savings accounts, assuming they were funded. Failing that, they just had to pay these large bills out of pocket.

This long experiment has objectively failed to keep its promises to bring down healthcare costs. Instead, it has saddled more Americans with medical debt despite those Americans technically being insured. Healthcare costs have continued to rise.

High-deductible health plans are already extremely common in the Healthcare.gov exchanges (particularly the bronze plans), yet premiums even for those plans have continued to skyrocket despite consumers having plenty of skin in the game.

Yet conservatives continue to double down on this failed experiment, simply because they are unwilling to do what it would take to actually solve the problem. That would mean addressing the unusually exorbitant prices for healthcare services, prescription drugs, medical devices, and health insurance itself in the USA compared to other rich countries that provide universal healthcare.

“Do not resuscitate” scheme by UnitedHealth Group shows private health insurance companies are the real death panels

Remember when Sarah Palin’s “death panels” conspiracy theory almost sunk the Affordable Care Act?

“The America I know and love is not one in which my parents or my baby with Down Syndrome will have to stand in front of Obama’s ‘death panel’ so his bureaucrats can decide, based on a subjective judgment of their ‘level of productivity in society.'” — Gov. Sarah Palin (R-AK), August 7, 2009

People were understandably upset with the idea that people’s healthcare, and therefore their lives, could be taken away because they had become too costly. Of course, it was complete nonsense. There was initially a provision in one of the health care reform bills to pay physicians to discuss end-of-life care with their patients and write down their decisions, but that was removed because of Palin’s fearmongering. It would have saved a great deal of money.

Fast-forward to 2025, and we’re finding out who is actually doing death-panel things: private health insurance companies.

The Guardian reported that health insurer UnitedHealth Group paid nursing homes to change some of their residents’ status to “do not resuscitate” or “do not intubate” in order to prevent costly hospital admissions.

Internal emails show, for example, that UnitedHealth supervisors gave their teams “budgets” showing how many hospital admissions they had “left” to use up on nursing home patients.

The company also monitored nursing homes that had smaller numbers of patients with “do not resuscitate” – or DNR – and “do not intubate” orders in their files. Without such orders, patients are in line for certain life-saving treatments that might lead to costly hospital stays.

Two current and three former UnitedHealth nurse practitioners told the Guardian that UnitedHealth managers pressed nurse practitioners to persuade Medicare Advantage members to change their “code status” to DNR even when patients had clearly expressed a desire that all available treatments be used to keep them alive.

End-of-life care is expensive and often does not generate value in terms of quality-adjusted life years (QALYs). According to Kaiser Familly Foundation, “In 2014, beneficiaries who died at some point during the year accounted for 4% of all beneficiaries in traditional Medicare, but 13.5% of traditional Medicare spending.”

But patients deserve to make their own healthcare decisions about end-of-life care and not to have anyone — the government or private health insurance companies — make it for them.

It’s not clear whether any patient was actually denied lifesaving care as a result of UnitedHealth’s practices, but if anyone did die as a result of this status being flipped, I would recommend charging everyone involved with first-degree murder.

Health insurance can literally be a life-or-death issue

Health insurance is not health care (and just because health insurance premiums rise does not necessarily mean health care is more expensive), but health insurance is a crucial mechanism that we use to finance and access health care.

And, in some cases, not having health insurance can be the difference between life and death. Just take a look at the results of two studies  published in the August issue of the journal Cancer comparing survival rates for men with two forms of cancer based on insurance status.

From the first study, regarding glioblastoma multiforme, an aggressive type of brain cancer:

Among the 13,665 adult patients in the study cohort, 558 (4.1%) were uninsured, 1516 (11.1%) had Medicaid coverage, and 11,591 (84.8%) had non-Medicaid insurance. Compared with patients who were uninsured, insured patients were more likely to be older, female, white, married, and with a smaller tumor size at diagnosis. Accelerated failure time analysis demonstrated that older age (hazard ratio [HR], 1.04; P<.001), male sex (HR, 1.08; P<.001), large tumor size at the time of diagnosis (HR, 1.26; P<.001), uninsured status (HR, 1.14; P =.018), and Medicaid insurance (HR, 1.10; P =.006) were independent risk factors for shorter survival among patients with GBM, whereas radiotherapy (HR, 0.40; P<.001) and married status (HR, 0.86; P<.001) indicated a better outcome. The authors discovered an overall yearly progressive improvement in survival in patients with non-Medicaid insurance who were diagnosed from 2007 through 2011 (P =.015), but not in uninsured or Medicaid-insured patients.

Rong, X., Yang, W., Garzon-Muvdi, T., Caplan, J. M., Hui, X., Lim, M. and Huang, J. (2016), Influence of insurance status on survival of adults with glioblastoma multiforme: A population-based study. Cancer. doi:10.1002/cncr.30160

Translation: patients with private insurance lived the longest with this form of brain cancer. In terms of surviving glioblastoma multiforme, Medicaid did not seem to make a difference compared to being uninsured.

And the second study, regarding germ cell testicular cancer:

Uninsured patients had an increased risk of metastatic disease at diagnosis (relative risk [RR], 1.26; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.15-1.38) in comparison with insured patients, as did Medicaid patients (RR, 1.62; 95% CI, 1.51-1.74). Among men with metastatic disease, uninsured and Medicaid patients were more likely to be diagnosed with intermediate/poor-risk disease (RR for uninsured patients, 1.22; 95% CI, 1.04-1.44; RR for Medicaid patients, 1.39; 95% CI, 1.23-1.57) and were less likely to undergo lymph node dissection (RR for uninsured patients, 0.74; 95% CI, 0.57-0.94; RR for Medicaid patients, 0.76; 95% CI, 0.63-0.92) in comparison with insured patients. Men without insurance were more likely to die of their disease (hazard ratio [HR], 1.88; 95% CI, 1.29-2.75) in comparison with insured men, as were those with Medicaid (HR, 1.58; 95% CI, 1.16-2.15).

Markt, S. C., Lago-Hernandez, C. A., Miller, R. E., Mahal, B. A., Bernard, B., Albiges, L., Frazier, L. A., Beard, C. J., Wright, A. A. and Sweeney, C. J. (2016), Insurance status and disparities in disease presentation, treatment, and outcomes for men with germ cell tumors. Cancer. doi:10.1002/cncr.30159

Translation: men who had private insurance were 88 percent more likely to survive germ cell testicular cancer than those who were uninsured, and the men who had Medicaid were 58 percent more likely to survive than those who were uninsured.

In both studies, patients with private insurance tended to be diagnosed earlier on the disease progression than uninsured and Medicaid patients, and this was shown to be important to a patient’s survival.

Arguments for the left and right

There is fodder here for both sides of the political aisle. On the one hand, liberals can point to the 58 percent increase in survival rates among Medicaid patients compared to those who were uninsured. And they can also point to the researchers’ acknowledgement that many of the Medicaid patients were likely to have been uninsured until just after being diagnosed with cancer. Clearly having Medicaid was better for these patients than having no insurance at all.

And yet, on the other side of the aisle, conservatives can point to the results of the first study that, despite all the tax dollars spent on Medicaid, it did not seem to make a difference in survival rates compared to having no insurance at all. Even with the second study, the right can point to the far superior outcomes of patients with private insurance compared to those with Medicaid, even while acknowledging that Medicaid was better for those patients than being uninsured.

Underlying issues

So, what’s an objective observer concerned about health policy supposed to make of these results? I have a few suggestions.

  • Private insurance probably improves access to care because reimbursement rates for physicians and hospitals are much higher than Medicaid. Many physicians will not accept Medicaid patients due to the very low reimbursement rates. Medicaid can also have issues with the timeliness of reimbursement, depending how much funding is left in a given state’s Medicaid budget. Even the physicians who do accept Medicaid might be less inclined to proceed with aggressive cancer treatments for their Medicaid patients than they would be for their patients with private insurance. The germ cell study found that Medicaid and uninsured patients did have a different treatment path from patients with private insurance, but this might be because they were also diagnosed later.
  • Medicaid isn’t as good as private insurance, but it’s better than nothing. Particularly for the germ cell cancers, Medicaid patients had much better outcomes than uninsured patients even though they did not fare as well as the patients with private insurance. Medicaid certainly has its administrative and funding/reimbursement challenges as a government bureaucracy reliant in part on state government sources, but does anyone seriously believe this is causing the cancer patients in their population to die in such large numbers? I’m all for innovations to make Medicaid as efficient as possible so that it can serve these populations as effectively and cost effectively as possible, but the idea that is it a hindrance to care for people who can’t afford private insurance is simply not borne out by the evidence. One learning point from these studies for Medicaid plans is to do more to encourage their populations to get cancer screenings so that these cancers can be caught earlier, but that doesn’t fully explain the insurance disparities.
  • These comparisons don’t represent realistic policy choices. I don’t know of anyone on either side of the aisle who has proposed putting the Medicaid population on private health insurance plans like the ones employers offer to their employees. Republicans would balk at the high cost to taxpayers, and Democrats would balk at the high levels of cost sharing for poor people who can’t afford it as well as the involvement of private insurance companies in general. Sure, some private health insurers have contracts with state governments to administer managed Medicaid plans, but those plans still don’t reimburse physicians and hospitals the way private plans do. They’re not equivalent. Even the private health insurance plans that are available on the exchanges for people a little higher up the economic ladder than Medicaid patients tend to have lower physician and hospital reimbursement rates than most employer-sponsored or individual plans outside of the exchanges. Considering how many Medicaid patients are covered by managed Medicaid plans operated by private insurance companies, one would think these private insurers would be able to close the gap between their regular insured and their Medicaid patients. Given the very real policy implications being debated in state legislatures today, it would be interesting to learn if there are real disparities between managed Medicaid and traditional Medicaid patients, but so far that research is lacking.
  • Medicaid is not Medicare, and it’s especially not single payer. Some on the left, like Senator and former presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, have been calling for a single-payer system that would essentially be “Medicare for all.” Medicare’s reimbursement rates are lower than private insurance but higher than Medicaid, and Medicare have the same payment timeliness issues that Medicaid does because it’s funded entirely by the federal government without involvement of state governments. Unlike Medicaid, physician participation in Medicare is already nearly universal (although I don’t know of too many pediatricians who take Medicare patients today because most Medicare beneficiaries are over 65). Eliminating private health insurance and moving to a “Medicare for all” system regardless of age would bring those pediatricians and the few outliers from other specialties into the Medicare fold because there would literally be no other source of income for them if they intended to continue practicing medicine at all.
  • Achieving equally bad outcomes would be a pyrrhic victory. I’ve seen bumper stickers from conservatives that read, “Liberals want misery spread equally.” It’s a concern worth addressing. If we address these disparities by merely reducing the survival rates of people who currently have private insurance, things will be equal, but no one will be better off. For germ cell testicular cancer, the research tells us that taxpayer dollars spent on Medicaid are quite literally saving lives for people who would otherwise be uninsured. But it’s very important that we understand the complex reasons why the Medicaid population is experiencing these disparities compared to the population with private insurance and address them. My health economics professor from graduate school would say that we need to build a better model.

Why YOU should care about health policy

First of all, I’d like to welcome you to my new blog site devoted solely to health policy. I’m currently a graduate student in health administration, and I’ve also spent years working in the health care industry in areas ranging from revenue cycle management to health insurance to my current job in the public health / information technology world. There are a lot of people out there who know more than I do about these things, and a lot has been written over the years. But I’ve picked up a thing or two myself, and I’d like to share.

But isn’t this topic something that should be left in the halls of academia instead of subjecting poor, unsuspecting readers like you to jargon like “Quality-Adjusted Life Years” and “Adverse Selection Death Spiral?”

I mean, why should academics and graduate students be the only ones who have to be bored by this? I say, “Share the misery.”

But seriously. I’m writing about this topic because I sincerely believe you need to read about it. And it doesn’t really matter who YOU are. Because no matter what we study in school, no matter what we do for a living, we’re all a part of this system. We all will receive health care at some point in our lives. Plus, some of us vote, and there’s no more contentious political issue today than reforming our health care system.

We all have a stake in what happens, and the more we know, the better off we’ll all  be. So let’s get started.